Biography

Syed Abul A’la al-Maududi was a prominent Islamic scholar, philosopher, jurist, historian, journalist, activist, and scholar active in British India and later Pakistan. He was known for his systematic thinking, and his works covered various disciplines related to Islam. Maududi believed in the revival of Islam and the propagation of what he considered faithful Islam, which included the institution of sharia and the preservation of Islamic culture. He opposed secularism, nationalism, and socialism, which he believed were influenced by Western imperialism. He founded the Jamaat-e-Islami, the most prominent Islamic organization in Asia, and actively worked to oppose the partition of India during the independence movement. After the separation, he focused on politicizing Islam and promoting Pakistan as an Islamic state. He inspired General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to introduce “Sharization” to Pakistan and was greatly strengthened by him. He was the first Saudi Arabian King Faisal International Award recipient for his service to Islam in 1979. He was part of establishing and running the Islamic University of Madinah, Saudi Arabia. Various organizations recognized Maududi’s contributions to Islam, including Jamaat-e-Islami, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Circle of North America, Hamas, and others. In History, After King Ashama ibn-Abjar, he was the second person whose funeral was observed in the Kaaba in absentia.

Early Life

Background

Maududi was born in Aurangabad, a city in colonial India, which was part of the princely state of Hyderabad. He was the youngest son of  Ahmad Hasan, who worked as a lawyer. Maududi’s elder brother, Sayyid Abu’l Khayr Maududi, became an editor and journalist. Despite being from a middle-class family, Maududi’s father was a descendant of the Chishti Silsilah, and their last name was derived from the first member of the Chishti Silsilah, Khawajah Syed Qutb ul-Din Maudood Chishti, who passed away in 527 AH. Maududi mentioned that his paternal family moved from Chicht, now in modern-day Afghanistan, during the time of Sikandar Lodi (d. 1517), initially settling in the state of Haryana before later moving to Delhi. On his mother’s side, his ancestor Mirza Tulak, a soldier of Turkic origin, moved to India from Transoxiana around the time of emperor Aurangzeb (d. 1707). His maternal grandfather, Mirza Qurban Ali Baig Khan Salik, was a writer and poet in Delhi and a friend of the Urdu poet Ghalib.

Childhood

Maududi received his religious education from various teachers and his father until he was nine. His father hoped he would become a maulvi, so he taught him Arabic, Persian, Islamic law, hadith, and logic books. Despite his young age, he showed great talent and translated Qasim Amin’s feminist work, “The New Woman,” from Arabic to Urdu at 11. Later in life, he translated some 3,500 pages from Mulla Sadra’s major work, Asfar. Maududi was influenced by Sadra’s ideas about the importance of Islamic law (shari’ah) and the rejuvenation of the temporal order, reflected in his works.

Education

At the age of eleven, Maududi was enrolled directly into the eighth class at Madrasa Fawqaniyya Mashriqiyya (Oriental High School) in Aurangabad, which was founded by Shibli Nomani, an Islamic scholar striving to merge traditional Islamic scholarship with modern knowledge. There, Maududi became deeply interested in philosophy, particularly the teachings of Thomas Arnold, who also taught Muhammad Iqbal. He also developed a passion for natural sciences, such as mathematics, physics, and chemistry. Maududi then transferred to a more conservative school, Darul Uloom, in Hyderabad. His lawyer father relocated to Bhopal, where Maududi became friends with another modernist, Niaz Fatehpuri. Unfortunately, his father suffered from a severe paralysis attack and passed away, leaving no inheritance for his son. As a result, Maududi was forced to drop out of school. When he was sixteen, he moved to Delhi and began reading the works of his distant relative, Sayyid Ahmad Khan, a reformist. Over five years, Maududi learned English and German, studying Western philosophy, sociology, and history in-depth. He concluded that in the past, Islamic scholars did not attempt to uncover the reasons behind Europe’s ascent to power. Maududi compiled a long list of philosophers who contributed to Europe’s success, including Fichte, Hegel, Comte, Mill, Turgot, Adam Smith, Malthus, Rousseau, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Darwin, Goethe, and Herder, among others. Maududi believed that Muslims’ contributions did not account for 1 per cent of the total.

Journalism

Although Maududi started his journalism career in the late 1910s, he did not abandon his education. At 15, he wrote an article on electricity for Ma’arif and became the editor of the Urdu newspaper Taj of Jabalpur at 17. However, in 1921, Maududi resumed his studies through self-education, influenced by members of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, and studied traditional Islamic subjects such as literature, logic, theology, and philosophy, eventually obtaining ijazahs. Despite this, Maududi never considered himself an ‘alim in the formal sense and criticized Islamic scholars as regressive, even though Deobandi’s teachings influenced him. He served as the editor of al-Jamiah, the newspaper of the Jamiyat-i Ulama, from 1924 to 1927, a position of great importance and influence.

Maududi was always interested in Indian independence from the British but lost faith in the Congress Party and its Muslim allies in the 1920s due to the party’s increasing Hindu identity. He turned towards Islam and believed that democracy could only work for Muslims if they were the majority in India. Maududi spent some time in Delhi as a young man but returned to Hyderabad in 1928.

Political Writings

Throughout his life, Maududi wrote and published several influential works, including some from 1933 to 1941. However, his most well-known and highly regarded work is the Tafhim-ul-Quran, a 6-volume translation and commentary of the Quran that he spent many years working on and began in February 1942. In 1932, he joined the journal Tarjuman al-Quran, which led to the development of his political ideas and his turn towards Islamic revivalism and Islam as an ideology rather than a traditional and inherited religion. The government of Hyderabad supported the journal by purchasing 300 subscriptions to be donated to libraries across India. Maududi was concerned about the decline of Muslim-ruled Hyderabad and the increasing secularism and lack of Purdah among Muslim women in Delhi. By 1937, he conflicted with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and their support for a pluralistic Indian society, which they hoped would allow Muslims to thrive without sacrificing their identity or interests. In the same year, he married Mahmudah Begum, a woman from a wealthy Muslim family who provided financial support and allowed him to focus on research and political action. However, Maududi’s wife had modern ways and did not always observe purdah, which was given greater latitude by Maududi than by other Muslims.

Political Activity

During this period, Maududi also established an organization for the propagation of Islam that would offer an alternative to the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. He relocated from Hyderabad to Northwest India, closer to the centre of Muslim politics in India. In 1938, Maududi moved to Pathankot in Punjab to supervise a Waqf called Daru’l-Islam after meeting the famous Muslim poet Muhammad Iqbal. Maududi aimed to establish a religious community in Pathankot that would serve as a hub for Islamic revival in India, producing leaders and laying the groundwork for a genuine spiritual movement. He invited prominent Muslim scholars to join him there, and the community was structured with members, a consultative council, and a leader. However, a disagreement with the donor of the land over his anti-nationalist views led to Maududi’s resignation from the waqf. In 1939, he relocated the Daru’l-Islam and its members to Lahore, where he briefly worked at Islamiyah College but was fired for delivering lectures with a political bent.

Founding the Jamaat-i-Islami

In August 1941, Maududi founded Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in British India as a religious political movement to promote Islamic values and practices. His Mission was supported by Amin Ahsan Islahi, Muhammad Manzoor Naumani, Abul Hassan Ali Nudvi and Naeem Siddiqui.^{[citation needed]}

Jamaat-e-Islami actively opposed the partition of India, with its leader Abul A’la Maududi arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah. The Jamaat-e-Islami saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divide Muslims from one another.

Maududi held that humans should accept God’s sovereignty and adopt the divine code, which supersedes manmade laws, terming it a “theodemocracy”, because its rule would be based on the entire Muslim community, not the ulema (Islamic scholars)

Maududi migrated to Lahore, which became part of the new state of Pakistan.

After the creation of Pakistan

After the separation of India in 1947, the JI organization split to align with the political boundaries of the new countries formed out of British India. Maududi led the faction known as Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan, while the remaining group in India became the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind. Other JI parties were formed later, including the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and autonomous groups in Indian Kashmir.

With the establishment of Pakistan, Maududi’s focus shifted towards politics, which resulted in a significant change in his career. While his Jamaat-i Islami party did not gain mass popularity, it did wield considerable political influence. The party played a vital role in the protests that led to the downfall of President Ayub Khan in 1969 and the ousting of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977. During the early years of General Zia ul-Haq’s rule, Maududi and the JI had a notable impact on political affairs.

However, Maududi’s political activity, especially his advocacy for creating an Islamic state, often put him at odds with the government, which was dominated by a secular political class. As a result, he faced multiple arrests and periods of imprisonment. The first instance occurred in 1948 when Maududi and several other JI leaders were detained after objecting to the government’s covert support of an insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir while publicly claiming to uphold a ceasefire with India.

In 1951 and again in 1956-7, the Jamaat-i-Islami party experienced a split due to compromises made in electoral politics, causing some members to feel that the party’s moral standards were being lowered. In 1951, aresolution passed by the JI shura, to withdraw from politics. Still, Maududi argued for continued involvement and won at an open party meeting, resigning several senior JI leaders and solidifying Maududi’s position as the party leader. This also began a “cult of personality” surrounding him. In 1957, Maududi again overruled the shura’s decision to withdraw from electoral politics.

In 1953, Maududi and the JI joined a campaign against the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan, claiming that they did not accept Muhammad as the last prophet. Maududi and other traditionalist ulama in Pakistan sought to designate Ahmadis as non-Muslims, dismiss Ahmadis like Muhammad Zafarullah Khan from high-level government positions, and prohibit intermarriage between Ahmadis and other Muslims. The campaign sparked riots in Lahore, resulting in the 200 deaths of Ahmadis and the declaration of martial law.

Maududi was arrested by Lieutenant General Azam Khan’s military deployment and sentenced to death for his role in the agitation. However, the anti-Ahmadi campaign had widespread popular support, and public pressure convinced the government to release Maududi after two years in prison. According to Vali Nasr, Maududi’s unyielding and composed attitude after his sentencing, where he refused to ask for pardon, had a significant impact on his supporters, who viewed it as a triumph of Islam over non-Islam and a testament to his leadership and unwavering faith.

Maududi strongly believed that Pakistan should be governed according to the Holy Book Quran Majid and Sunnah teaching, which included matters such as conventional banking and the protection of the rights of Muslims, minorities, Christians, and other religious sects like the Ahmadiyya. He felt a Muslim state alone could not be considered an Islamic state unless its constitution was based on these principles. The anti-Ahmadiyya campaign launched by Maududi and the JI in 1953 shifted national politics towards Islamicity, resulting in many of their demands being accommodated in the 1956 Constitution. Maududi supported the constitution and saw it as a victory for Islam.

However, General Ayub Khan’s, coupled with the shelving of the constitution and a subsequent crackdown on Maududi and his party, resulted in his imprisonment in 1964 and 1967. In 1965, the JI joined an opposition alliance with secular parties and compromised on doctrine to support a woman candidate, Fatima Jinnah, against Khan in the presidential election. In the 1970 general election, Maududi campaigned across the country as a “leader in waiting,” The JI fielded 151 candidates. Still, the party only managed to win four seats in the national assembly and four in the provincial assemblies.

After the electoral defeat of the JI in 1970, Maududi withdrew from politics and focused on his scholarship. In 1972, he resigned as the JI’s Ameer due to health reasons. However, the rise of Islamism in Pakistan through the Nizam-i-Mustafa movement, which the JI shaped, boosted their position. In 1977, Maududi re-entered the political arena when Bhutto sought his advice to ease tensions. When General Zia-ul-Haq overthrew Bhutto and took power, he sought Maududi’s guidance and elevated him to senior statesman status. Despite some differences in their approach to Sharia law, Maududi supported Zia’s program of Islamization and even backed his decision to execute Bhutto.

Beliefs and Ideology

Maududi dedicated his time and effort to writing books and pamphlets, and delivering over 1000 speeches and press statements, to establish an Islamic state in Pakistan and address various issues of interest in the Muslim world. He aspired to be a Mujaddid, or a “renewer” of Islam, which he believed was a great responsibility comparable to a Prophet’s. Maududi believed that earlier efforts at tajwid failed because Muslims had a limited vision of Islam as merely a religion rather than a complete ideology of living. He argued that reviving Islamic pride required Muslims to accept Islam as a whole way of life. Maududi was heavily influenced by the ideas of medieval theologian Ibn Taymiyya, specifically his treatizes that emphasized God’s sovereignty (Hakimiyya). He advocated that armed Jihad was mandatory for all contemporary Muslims and, like Sayyid Qutb, called for a “universal Jihad.” As per one of his biographers, Vali Nasr, Maududi and the JI gradually moved away from some of their more controversial doctrinal ideas (such as criticism of Sufism or the Ulama) and toward orthodox Islam throughout his career to “expand” the “base of support” of Jama’at-e Islami.

Qur’an

According to Vali Nasr, Maududi viewed the Quran not merely as a religious text to be studied and analyzed for hidden meanings but rather as a “socio-religious institution” that must be accepted and obeyed at face value to solve societal problems. He believed the Quran’s message was an invitation to action, pitting truth and bravery against ignorance, falsehood, and evil. In his Quranic interpretation, Tafhimu’l-Qur’an, Maududi introduced four interrelated concepts that he believed were essential to understanding the Quran: ilah (divinity), Rabb (lord), ‘ibadah (worship, meaning not the cherishing or praising of God but acting out absolute obedience to Him), and din (religion).

Islam

According to Maududi, being a Muslim meant much more than simply following the religion of Islam. He believed that everything in the universe was “Muslim” because it obeyed the laws of Allah. This included the universe’s physical laws and sharia’s religious laws. Maududi went as far as to say that stars, planets, oceans, rocks, atoms, and all other elements of the universe should be considered “Muslims”. In his view, humans and jinn were the only creatures endowed with free will, and only non-Muslim humans (and jinn) chose to disobey their creator’s laws.

Maududi also believed that the divine laws of Islam applied to all aspects of life. For him, Islam was not simply a “religion” in the common understanding of the term but rather a comprehensive system covering all living fields. This included politics, economics, legislation, science, humanism, health, psychology, and sociology. He emphasized that Islam did not discriminate based on race, color, language, or any other external category, and its appeal was universal. According to Maududi, Islam sought to reach the heart of every human being.

Maududi believed that a person could only be considered a Muslim if their actions reflected their beliefs, adopting the teachings of classical theologian Ibn Taymiyya on apostasy. According to Maududi, knowledge and action were the two essential components of Islam. He emphasized that after acquiring knowledge, it was necessary to act upon it and that a Muslim was distinguished from a non-Muslim by their knowledge and actions. Maududi believed that even a person who rejected Islam still possessed a Muslim nature because their tongue and body obeyed the instinct that God exists. However, by denying God, the non-Muslims concealed what was inherent in their heart and became estranged from reality.

According to Maududi, being a Muslim involves not just declaring faith or being born into a Muslim family but obeying divine law through absolute submission to God. Seeking knowledge of God is not enough to qualify as a Muslim. Maududi believed that Muslims do not have the right to select their way of life or duties. Despite setting a high standard for what constitutes a Muslim, Maududi also advocated for the death penalty for apostasy. He argued that the punishment for apostasy had been continuously operative throughout Islamic history and that there was unanimous agreement among early Muslims and scholars of shari’ah that apostates should be put to death. Maududi cited evidence from early texts and historical accounts of beheadings and crucifixions of apostates by companions of the Prophet and early caliphs.

Maududi’s primary interest in Islam was its culture and the preservation of Islamic customs, language, and dress. He believed women’s emancipation, secularism, and nationalism threatened these traditions. Maududi also emphasized the need to separate the realm of Islam from non-Islam by creating “boundaries” around Islam. He believed Islam would eventually emerge as the world religion that could cure all human disorders, which he thought would be scientifically proven.

However, Maududi’s views on Islam differed significantly from those held by many Muslims, including many Ulama. He believed that only a tiny percentage of Muslims understood Islam. Maududi idealized the early years of Muslim society under Muhammad and the “rightly guided” Caliphs but considered everything that came after to be un-Islamic or jahiliya, except for brief religious revivals. Maududi criticized Muslim philosophy, literature, arts, and mysticism as syncretic and impure, diverting attention from the divine.

Hadith

Maududi held a unique viewpoint regarding the transmission of hadith, which refers to the words and deeds of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. While traditional Islamic scholarship relies on generations of muhaddithin to evaluate hadith, Maududi believed that he possessed an intuitive ability to discern whether a particular hadith could be attributed to the Prophet. Additionally, Maududi disagreed with traditional Muslims who prioritize the isnad (chain of transmission) over the matn (content) of the hadith. He also challenged the reliability of the Prophet’s companions as transmitters of hadith, recognizing that even they were susceptible to human weaknesses and conflicts.

Sunnah

Maududi wrote several essays on the Sunnah, the customs and practices of Muhammad, and tried to find a middle ground between the views of conservative Islamists who believed that every aspect of the prophet’s Sunnah should be followed and the traditions that suggested that Muhammad made mistakes and was not always obeyed by his followers (such as Zayd divorcing his wife against Muhammad’s wishes). Maududi argued that mistakes made by Muhammad, which were corrected by God as mentioned in the Quran, should not be seen as an indication of Muhammad’s human weakness but rather as an example of how God monitored his behavior and corrected even the slightest of his errors. Maududi concluded that although, in theory, the prophet’s prophetic and personal capacities are separate and distinct, it is not practical or permissible for people to decide which is which. Therefore, Muslims should not ignore any aspect of the Sunnah.

Women

Irfan Ahmad claimed that Maududi was highly concerned about women’s visibility in public spaces such as bazaars, colleges, theatres, and restaurants. He viewed these aspects of Western influence as the greatest threat to morality. Maududi believed women’s role was to manage the household, raise children, and comfort their husbands. He supported the complete veiling and segregation of women, which was the norm in Muslim India during his time. Maududi advocated for women to remain at home unless they needed to leave. The only debate he entertained regarding the veil was whether or not women’s hands and faces should also be covered. He believed that men should not look at women who are not their wives, mothers, sisters, etc. and should not try to become acquainted with them. Maududi opposed birth control and family planning, seeing it as a rebellion against the laws of nature and an indication of a loss of faith in God, who is the planner of the human population. He also opposed allowing women to hold political positions, stating that active politics and administration were not areas of activity for women in Islam. However, women could elect their all-woman legislature, which the men’s legislature should consult on matters related to women’s welfare. The all-woman parliament would have the right to criticize the country’s general welfare issues but not to vote on them.

Music

According to Maududi, music and dancing were viewed as negative influences on society. He believed that neglecting Islamic law led to a range of immoral behaviours, such as indulging in luxury, alcohol, and drugs while ignoring the plight of people experiencing poverty. Maududi also included a “regular need” for music in this list of negative behaviours, often satisfied by musicians, dancers, drummers, and those who made musical instruments.

Economics

Maududi’s lecture titled “The economic problem of man and its Islamic solution” from 1941 is widely considered to be a key document in the development of modern Islamic economics. He has been hailed as a leading figure in contemporary Islamic orthodoxy regarding riba and finance and is credited with laying the foundations for the development of Islamic economics. However, Maududi believed that Islam was primarily concerned with cultural rather than socioeconomic issues and did not see a need for a new science of economics or economic experts. He argued that Islam was a complete system that included a shariah-based economic program superior to other economic systems, including capitalism which he saw as satanic due to its focus on postponed consumption. Maududi also criticized the practice of saving and not spending income, which he believed led to overproduction, lower wages, and trade wars that ultimately destroyed societies. He rejected socialism for putting too much power in the hands of the government, leading to the enslavement of the masses. Instead, Maududi proposed an Islamic society where adherence to sharia law would replace greed, selfishness, and dishonesty with virtue, eliminating the need for significant state intervention in the economy. He believed this system would strike a golden mean between laissez-faire capitalism and regimented socialism/communism and would be distinct and superior to all other systems by banning vices such as alcohol, pork, adultery, music, dancing, interest on loans, gambling, speculation, fraud, and other similar things. However, Maududi recognized that an Islamic revolution through education would be necessary to develop the virtue needed to create support for total sharia law, which put him at a political disadvantage with more populist and socialist programs that promised more immediate results.

Banning interest

Maududi’s primary focus on the Islamic laws regarding property and money was the prohibition of interest on loans (riba), which he viewed as unIslamic. He believed the money lending industry, dominated by Hindus in British India, was exploiting poor laborers, farmers, and low-income groups worldwide. Maududi argued that even a tiny and seemingly harmless form of interest was unacceptable in Islam. It would inevitably increase over time, benefiting capitalists (moneylenders) at the expense of entrepreneurs (borrowers) and eliminating any entrepreneurial profit. To replace interest-based finance, Maududi proposed direct equity investment (Profit and Loss Sharing) to promote socially beneficial ventures such as low-income housing that conventional finance ignores in favor of commercial profitability. He suggested penal punishment, including the death penalty for repeat offenders, to eliminate the charging of interest. However, some scholars criticize Maududi’s proposal, noting that it resembles the dynamic between South Asian peasants and village moneylenders rather than modern bank lending and borrowing. Moreover, Maududi did not explain how direct equity finance would lead to more investment in socially beneficial ventures than interest-based lending.

Socialism and populism

Maududi strongly opposed socialism and criticized it as “godless,” arguing that the Islamic State was sufficient to address social and economic issues. He believed in defending the rights of property and cautioned workers and peasants against embracing a class struggle ideology that exaggerated their rights. He did not advocate for government intervention in the economy to ensure full employment, as he believed it would require nationalizing the country’s resources. Maududi maintained this position despite acknowledging the vast wealth gap and poverty in Pakistan, and despite his criticisms of the rich and their exploitation of the poor. He initially opposed land reform proposals by the government, citing Islam’s protection of property rights, but later softened his stance to promote economic justice and equity without advocating for egalitarianism. Maududi continued to emphasize the importance of private property rights and urged the government to avoid interfering with “lawful jagirdari.”

Islamic Modernism

Maududi’s views on modernization and Islam were complex and often controversial. He believed Islam was not only compatible with modernity but also provided a superior framework. However, he was critical of the Westernization that often accompanied modernization and argued that Islam provided an alternative modern and authentically Islamic path.

Maududi’s approach to reason and Islamic sources was also unique. While he agreed with Islamic modernists that reason played an essential role in interpreting Islamic sources, he argued that the Quran and the Sunnah were the ultimate authorities and that reason should be used to understand and apply them rather than to question or reinterpret them.

Maududi’s views on ijtihad were similarly restrictive. He believed that only those with a thorough grounding in Islamic sciences and a deep faith in the sharia were qualified to engage in ijtihad. Even then, their authority was limited to serving the needs of the Islamic state that he envisioned.

Despite these conservative views, Maududi did not oppose using modern ideas and concepts in his work. He saw Islam as a dynamic and revolutionary ideology that could adapt to changing times and circumstances. He was willing to use modern language and concepts to articulate his vision of an Islamic renaissance.

Overall, Maududi’s ideas influenced the development of Islamic thought in the 20th century, and his legacy continues to be debated and contested today.

Mughal Empire

Abul A’la Maududi criticized the Mughal Emperor Akbar’s belief in a shared spirituality among individuals, which was controversially referred to as the “Religion of God” or Din-e Ilahi. Maududi considered this belief to be a form of apostasy. However, some contemporary scholars argue that Akbar intended to establish discipleship or muridi rather than a new religion. Maududi’s criticisms were not limited to Western civilization but extended to the Mughal Empire, as he deemed many of its achievements to be “Unislamic.

Secularism

According to Maududi, secularism did not provide a means for governments to mitigate tensions and divisions in multi-religious societies by remaining religiously impartial and avoiding taking sides. Instead, he believed secularism eliminated religion from the community, which he called “religionless” or “la din” in Urdu. Since Maududi considered religion the source of all morality, he argued that this would lead to the exclusion of morality, ethics, and human decency from the controlling mechanisms of society. Maududi believed that some advocated for secularism not out of pragmatism or higher motives but to avoid the restraints of morality and divine guidance.

Science

Maududi held the view that modern science was like a “body” that could accept any “spirit” such as philosophy or value system. He used the analogy of a radio that could transmit messages from both Islamic and Western sources with the same ease to illustrate this point.

Ulama

Maududi was critical of the traditionalist clergy or ulama, considering their scholarly style outdated and their political attitudes subservient. He believed that traditional scholars could not differentiate between the essential principles of Islam and the intricate details of its application, which were created in the complex structures of medieval legal schools of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). Maududi suggested that to eliminate these obscure laws, Muslims should refer back to the Quran and Sunnah and disregard judgments made after the reign of the first four “rightly guided” caliphs of Islam.

Furthermore, Maududi believed that in a “reformed and rationalized Islamic order,” where individuals were appropriately educated in Arabic, the Quran, Hadith, and modern subjects, those trained in contemporary and traditional issues could practice ijtihad. In such an order, the role of the ulama as leaders, judges, and guardians of the community” would become less critical.

However, Maududi’s views changed over time, and he became more orthodox, including towards the ulama. After the formation of Pakistan, Maududi and his party sometimes aligned themselves with the traditionalist clergy.

Sufism and Popular Islam

Like other revivalists of his time, Maududi initially criticized Sufism and its historical impact. However, as he aged, he shifted his focus to criticize unorthodox and widespread practices of Sufism that did not adhere to Sharia law. During his youth, he studied Tasawwuf under the Deobandi seminary and obtained an Ijazat in “gradations of mystical ecstasy” in 1926. Maududi was heavily influenced by the Deobandi reformist doctrines and the writings of scholars like Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab. Maududi believed that true Tasawwuf must strictly adhere to the Quran and Sunnah and opposed The veneration of saints that emerged during the medieval era of Islam. He thought abiding by Sharia law was essential to achieving Zuhd and Ihsan. Maududi emphasized that the highest level of Ihsan could only be attained through collective societal efforts that establish a just Islamic state, As it happened in the initial era of Islam under the leadership of the Rashidun Caliphs.

Later in his life, Maududi clarified that he was not hostile towards Sufism, whether it be towards himself or his group (Jama’at). This change in his stance was attributed to Sufism’s significant role in Pakistan, not only among the Muslim populace but also among scholars. Maududi clearly distinguished between Orthodox Sufism, such as Shaikhs like ‘Alau’ddin Shah, which followed the Sharia and received his approval, and the unorthodox popular Sufism, which included shrines, festivals, and rituals and was not sanctioned by him. He praised Tasawwuf that adhered strictly to the Qur’an and Sunnah but criticized later forms of Sufism, stating in his work “Risala-i diniyya” In his writings, Maududi expressed that certain individuals had corrupted the original essence of Islamic Tasawwuf by introducing absurd and unjustifiable practices that the Quran or Hadith did not support.” Maududi strongly opposed the view that some Muslims held, which believed they were above the Sharia, and condemned those who thought they were immune to its requirements. He argued that Tasawwuf could not exist without adhering to the Sharia and its primary obligations, such as daily prayers, fasting, zakat, and Hajj.
 
Maududi provided a new definition of Sufism, which differed from its modern interpretation as the spiritual aspect of Islam. Instead, he emphasized that Sufism was a means to measure one’s concentration and moral values in religious practices. Maududi believed that Fiqh, or Islamic jurisprudence, only assessed outward requirements such as ablution and facing towards the Ka’ba during prayer. In contrast, Sufism judged the quality of one’s blessings based on the concentration level and the impact on morals and manners.
Maududi sought to reform Sufism by returning it to its roots, and his redefinition of Tasawwuf gradually gained recognition in Pakistan from the mid-1960s onwards. Even the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, visited the Sufi Data Durbar shrine in Lahore in 1987 to gain support for the party after Maududi’s death. However, in recent years, the party has become increasingly critical of some Sufi practices.

Sharia

Maududi believed that sharia was an essential aspect of Muslim identity and a prerequisite for a truly Islamic society. He thought that if a community consciously rejected sharia and adopted its laws, it would no longer be considered Islamic and would be breaking its contract with God. Maududi argued that obedience to God’s law was the primary controversy Islam had awakened worldwide and that failure to obey it would result in eternal punishment, earthly misery, and evil.
While the Quran was the primary source of sharia, Maududi believed that it also incorporated the Sunnah, which refers to the words and actions of Prophet Muhammad. Sharia was not just a set of laws but a complete scheme of life that encompassed all aspects of human activity and concerned all areas of life. It recognized no distinction between religious and secular affairs. Its guidance covered family relationships, economic and social affairs, rights, judicial system administration and duties, citizens, laws of war and peace, and international relations.
Maududi believed that the enforcement of sharia required the state’s coercive power, although he emphasized that the role of an Islamic state was not to make laws but to find them. He acknowledged that there were areas where sharia was silent and an Islamic state could legislate independently. Still, he also believed that sharia needed to be reinterpreted and expanded to address governance questions to the extent required for a form to function effectively.

Islamic Revolution

The term “Islamic Revolution” is most commonly associated with the 1979 Iranian Revolution, but it was coined and popularized by Maududi in the 1940s. Unlike the violent and sudden changes in Iran or under Zia ul-Haq, Maududi envisioned a more gradual process of changing hearts and minds through an educational approach called da’wah. He believed that Islam was a revolutionary ideology and practice that aimed to destroy and rebuild the world’s social order. However, he opposed sudden or unconstitutional action and was uninterested in grassroots organizing, socio-economic changes, or street demonstrations.

Maududi believed societies were structured and controlled from the top down, not by grassroots movements. To achieve his revolutionary goals, he advocated training a group of dedicated men who would lead and protect the Islamic revolutionary process. Maududi’s party heavily invested in producing and disseminating publications to facilitate this cultural change. He was committed to non-violent legal politics, even if it took a century to bear fruit, and opposed using unconstitutional means to transform the political order. He focused on ethical changes, such as overcoming immorality and illegal behaviour, rather than socio-economic changes that historically drive revolutions. He opposed land reform in the 1950s as an encroachment on property rights and believed that the problems it addressed would be solved by the Islamic state established by the revolution. Overall, Maududi’s course aimed to achieve justice and benevolence through a step-by-step process of cultural change led by a cadre of pious and dedicated men.

Islamic state

Further information on the concept of the “Islamic state” can be traced back to the writings of Abul Ala Maududi, who is credited with popularizing the term. In his book, Constitution and the Islamic Law, first published in 1941, Maududi proposed an all-embracing Islamic state that would enforce Sharia law and govern all aspects of human life. Maududi’s Islamic state is both ideological and utopian, based on the principles of tawhid (oneness of God), risala (prophethood), and khilafat (caliphate).
Unlike other Islamic states, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Maududi’s vision did not call for the immediate Islamization of society. Instead, he believed that the state should follow the Islamization of society and that the sovereignty of God should be the source of all law. The Islamic state would act as the vicegerent or agent of God on earth and enforce Islamic law, which Maududi believed was “totally silent” on a vast range of human affairs. In cases where there is no explicit instruction in the sharia regarding a particular matter, it is resolved through a consensus among the Muslim community.

Maududi’s Islamic state would be based on “Islamic Democracy,” which he believed was the antithesis of secular Western democracy. Maududi favored a “democracy,” in which God’s and people’s sovereignty are mutually exclusive. The Islamic state would govern through shura, a process of mutual consultation among all Muslims. The consultation methods should be adapted to the specific time and place circumstances, but they must be unbiased and unrestricted.
Maududi proposed that the Islamic state adopt the structure of a caliphate but depart from the traditional requirement that the caliph must be a descendant of the Quraysh tribe.
Instead, the entire Muslim community would be the “popular vicegerency,” The Muslim community would also choose an individual leader. Maududi believed that governance based on sovereignty other than God’s does not just lead to inferior administration but “evil.”

In conclusion, Maududi’s vision of the Islamic state was based on tawhid, risala, and khilafat principles and would enforce Sharia law in all aspects of human life. The Islamic state would act as the vicegerent of God on earth and conduct its affairs by mutual consultation among all Muslims. Maududi employed the term “democracy” to refer to his envisioned state, but it was meant to be the opposite of the secular Western model of democracy.

Rights

There is some contradiction in the passages you provided. On the one hand, Maududi believed in personal freedom and individual rights, including due process of law and freedom of political expression. On the other hand, he thought that the fundamental human right in Islamic law was to demand an Islamic order and to live in it without any right to differ from its rulers or defy its authority.
Maududi may have seen these as complementary rather than contradictory positions. He may have believed that individuals should have the right to express their opinions and views freely, but that ultimately, the Islamic order was the only legitimate form of government and that it was the duty of Muslims to work towards establishing it. In other words, while individuals had the right to dissent and criticize, they did not have the right to reject the Islamic order itself.
It should be noted, however, that Maududi’s views on individual rights and the role of government were not universally accepted within Islamic thought. There continue to be debates and disagreements among Muslim scholars and thinkers.

Islamic Constitution

Maududi believed that Islam had a constitution that was not yet written down but needed to be. This constitution would not be based solely on the Quran or Sharia, as Saudi Arabia’s constitution is rumored to be. Still, it would also draw from the conventions of the rightly guided caliphs and the rulings of recognized jurists. It would incorporate the Quran and hadith as well.

Model of government

Maududi believed that the government of an Islamic state should follow the model of the government of Muhammad and the first four caliphs. According to him, the head of state should hold supreme authority over the legislature, executive, and judiciary. The people should elect this head of state and enjoy the country’s trust. However, the head of state should not be limited to terms in office. No one was allowed to nominate him for office nor engage in electioneering. Additionally, there would be only one party and no competition between political views.
In Maududi’s vision, the state would not need to govern in the Western sense, as the citizenry and government would abide by the same divine law. This would ensure the fair distribution of power and resources and no grievances among the people. Therefore, there would be no need for mass mobilizations or demands for political participation.
The state’s legislature should consist of learned men who can interpret Quranic injunctions. These people would be chosen by a modern system of elections or some other method appropriate for modern times. According to Maududi, the legislature should be more of a legal organ than a political one. The legislation would be based on the practice of ijtihad, a source of Islamic law that relies on careful analogical reasoning, using both the Qu’ran and Hadith, to solve a legal problem. These legislators must also be “persons who enjoy the confidence of the masses.”
Maududi proposed that the judiciary should have autonomy, support the adversarial system, and have the right to appeal. Initially, he proposed the inquisitional system, where judges would implement the law without discussion or interference by lawyers, which he considered un-Islamic. However, he later changed his mind, accepting the adversarial system and the right of appeal, after his party was “rescued” from government repression by the Pakistani judiciary.
Maududi believed that non-Muslims or women might not be the head of state but could vote for separate legislators. According to him, anyone actively seeking an office of leadership would be automatically disqualified as an upright character is essential for office holders, and the desire for office represents greed and ambition.

Failure of Western Democracy

Maududi argued that secular Western representative democracy is unsuccessful despite its civil rights and free elections for two reasons. Firstly, politics and religion are separated in secular societies, which means that leaders do not give much or any importance to morality and ethics, resulting in neglect of their constituents’ common good and interests. Secondly, without Islam, ordinary people cannot understand their true interests. Maududi cited the example of the Prohibition law in the United States. Despite evidence that drinking harms health and society, the American Congress repealed the law banning alcohol consumption.

Non-Muslims

Maududi believed that adopting non-Muslim cultural practices was forbidden in Islam and could have disastrous consequences for a nation, including destroying its inner vitality, blurring its vision, and sapping its cultural foundations. He believed that the Prophet Muhammad had strongly forbidden Muslims from assuming the culture and lifestyle of non-Muslims. In his commentary on Surah An-Nisa Ayat 160, Maududi criticized the Jews for opposing movements that call people to the Truth, even though they are bearers of the Scripture and inheritors of the message of the Prophets. He also criticized the Jews for promoting ideologies like Communism and the philosophy of Freud, which he saw as a denial of God and an effort to obliterate every form of godliness. Maududi also opposed what he saw as the “satanic flood of female liberty and license” in the West, which he believed threatened to destroy human civilization. Additionally, he strongly opposed the Ahmadiyya sect, which he did not consider Muslim, and wrote against it in his pamphlet The Qadiani Problem and the book The Finality of Prophethood.

Under the Islamic State

Maududi’s writings describe how non-Muslims have limited rights under an Islamic state. While they may continue to practice their faith and customs, they must accept the authority of Muslim rule. This is because, according to Islamic ‘jihad,’ non-Muslims are not entitled to govern state affairs according to their own beliefs if it is viewed as evil from an Islamic perspective. Moreover, non-Muslims are not allowed to continue practices deemed detrimental to the public interest from an Islamic point of view.

While non-Muslims are eligible for all types of employment, they are expressly excluded from holding key positions in the government and other significant areas of influence. They are also prohibited from voting in presidential or other Muslim representative elections. The rationale behind these restrictions is to ensure that the state’s fundamental policy is consistent with Islam’s principles. However, in some cases, an Islamic Republic may allow non-Muslims to choose their representatives in parliament as separate electorates, as in Iran. Maududi claims that this treatment of minorities is just, tolerant, and generous within the Islamic political system.
Non-Muslims are also required to pay a special tax called jizya. This tax applies to all non-disabled non-Muslim men, except for elderly individuals, children, and women who are exempted. In return for paying jizya, non-Muslim men are exempted from military service, which is required of all adult Muslim men. Non-Muslims are also restricted from holding specific high-level offices within the Islamic state. The payment of jizya is regarded as a symbol of Islamic sovereignty and a way to protect against foreign invasion.
In Maududi’s view, Jews and Christians should be compelled to pay jizya to end their independence and authority. This will ensure that they do not remain rulers or sovereigns in the land, as these powers should be assumed by the followers of the true faith who will lead others towards the right way.

Jihad

Maududi gained public attention with his work “Jihad in Islam”, published in a newspaper in 1927 when he was only 24. He believed Islam was all-encompassing and that the Islamic state was for the entire world, not just the “homeland of Islam” where Muslims predominate. According to Maududi, Islam aims to establish a state based on its ideology and program, regardless of the country or the nation that rules it. To achieve this, jihad should be used to eliminate unIslamic rules from everywhere and establish a worldwide Islamic state. Maududi believed that jihad was about combat for God and included non-violent work supporting those waging combat.

Maududi acknowledged that the destruction of the lives and property of others was lamentable but believed that Muslims must follow the Islamic principles that it is better to “suffer a small loss to save ourselves from a big loss”. He argued that although thousands of lives may be lost in jihad, it is less than the calamity that may befall humanity if evil triumphs over good and aggressive atheism prevail.
Maududi also took a more conservative approach to jihad than other revivalist thinkers like Ayatollah Khomeini and Sayyid Qutb. He distinguished between true jihad and a crazed faith that involved decapitating unbelievers and cutting off heads while invoking religious slogans. Maududi believed that only Muslim governments had the authority to proclaim jihad, not religious leaders. During a ceasefire with India in 1948, he opposed waging jihad in Kashmir, arguing that only Muslim governments had the right to declare it.

Mystique, personality, personal life

As the Amir of Jama’at e-Islami, Maududi regularly held informal discussions with JI members in his house every day between Asr and Maghrib salat prayers. However, some claim these discussions were replaced in later years by answering members’ questions while ignoring rebuttals. Maududi was highly regarded by his followers in Jama’at, who saw him not only as a scholar, politician, and thinker but also as a hallowed Mujaddid. He survived assassination attempts, which added to his mystique. At the same time, his enemies, such as Liaquat Ali Khan, Ghulam Muhammad, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Ayub Khan, and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, either lost their power or were killed. Maududi had a powerful command of the Urdu language and insisted on using it to free Muslims’ minds from the influence of English. Privately, he was described as strict but not rigid, taciturn, poised, composed, uncompromising, and unyielding. His public speaking style was authoritative, and he would make his argument step-by-step with Islamic edicts instead of relying on oratory. Although not publicized, Maududi was a practitioner of traditional medicine or unani tibb.

Family and health

Despite being close to his wife, Maududi’s devotion to religious dawah and political action left him with little time to spend with his six sons and three daughters. Only one of his children ever joined the JI, and his second daughter, Asma, was the only one with significant academic potential. Maududi struggled with a kidney ailment that often left him bedridden throughout his life. He was forced to seek medical treatment in England in 1969 and experienced worsening his condition in April 1979, when heart problems also emerged. After his long-standing kidney ailment worsened and he developed heart problems, Maududi traveled to the United States for medical treatment. However, he died at 75 on September 22, 1979, after undergoing multiple surgical operations. Following his death, a large funeral procession took place, and Maududi was buried in an unmarked grave at his residence in Ichhra, Lahore. Yusuf al-Qaradawi led his funeral prayer.

Late-life

Maududi’s kidney ailment worsened during his later life, and he also developed heart problems. In April 1979, he went to the United States for treatment and was admitted to a hospital in Buffalo, New York, where his second son worked as a physician. Despite undergoing several surgical procedures, he passed away on 22 September 1979 at 75. While his funeral was held in Buffalo, he was buried in an unmarked grave at his residence in Ichhra, Lahore, after a large funeral procession through the city. Yusuf al-Qaradawi led his funeral prayer.

Legacy

According to scholar Eran Lerman, Pakistan’s shift towards Maududi’s interpretation of Islam is significant in a country where the JI is considered the oldest religious party. Maududi’s background as a journalist, thinker, scholar and political leader has been compared to Abul Kalam Azad by biographers who admire him.
Maududi and his party are the main driving force behind the generation of support for an Islamic state in Pakistan. They inspired General Zia-ul-Haq to introduce Sharization in Pakistan, which included Sharia laws such as the prohibition of interest on loans (riba), the introduction of Islamic punishments astonishing and amputation,  and the deduction of 2.5% annual Zakat tax from bank accounts through the Hudood Ordinances of 1979. One of Zia’s policies, proposed initially by Maududi, was the introduction of separate elections for non-Muslims in 1985, a concept not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
In return, Zia significantly strengthened Maududi’s party by giving jobs to 10,000s members and sympathizers in the judiciary and civil service during the early years of his rule.
Maududi’s ideas were not limited to South Asia. They also influenced Muslim Brotherhood founders Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb, who borrowed and expanded his concepts of modern Islam, the Jahiliyya period, and the need for an Islamist revolutionary vanguard movement. His ideas also impacted Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian Islamist jurist and renewer of jihad in Afghanistan and other places. The South Asian diaspora, including a significant number in Britain, was greatly influenced by Maududi’s work. He even influenced Shia Iran, where Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini met Maududi as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. Iran’s revolutionary rhetoric still draws on his themes to this day.
Maududi is considered by many the most influential contemporary Islamic revivalist scholar whose efforts inspired revivalism worldwide. His doctrines also inspired the Iranian revolution and shaped the ideological foundations of Al-Qaeda. After Sayyid Qutb, Maududi is considered the second most crucial intellectual father of contemporary militant Islamist movements. According to Youssef M. Choueiri, all major modern radicalized Islamist movements, including the Tunisian Islamic Tendency, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization, and the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria, derive their ideological and political programs from the writings of Maududi and Sayyid Qutb. His works have also influenced the ideology of the leadership of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.

Timeline of Abdul Ala Maududi’s Life 

1903 – He was born in Aurangabad, Hyderabad State, colonial India.
1918 – He began his career as a journalist in the Bijnore newspaper.
1920 – He was appointed as an editor of the daily Taj, which was based in Jabalpur.
1921 – He learned Arabic from Maulana Abdul Salam Niazi in Delhi and was appointed as the editor of the daily Muslim newspaper.
1925 – He became the editor of Al-Jumeirah, Delhi.
1926 – He received the Sanad of Uloom e Aqaliya wa Naqalia from Darul Uloom Fatehpuri, Delhi.
1928 – He received the Sanad in Jamay Al-Tirmidhi and Muatta Imam Malik from the same teacher.
1933 – He started Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an from Hyderabad.
1937 – At the age of 34, he was introduced to South Asia’s premier Muslim poet-philosopher, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, by Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan at Lahore.
1938 – At the age of 35, he moved to Pathankot from Hyderabad Deccan and joined the Dar ul Islam Trust Institute, which was established in 1936 by Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan on the advice of Allama Muhammad Iqbal.
1941 – He founded Jamaat-e-Islami Hind at Lahore, British India, and was appointed as Amir.
1942 – Jamaat’s headquarters moved to Pathankot.
1942 – He started writing a commentary of the Qur’an called Tafhim-ul-Quran.
1947 – Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan headquarters moved to Lahore, Pakistan.
1948 – He campaigned for an Islamic constitution and government.
1948 – He was thrown in jail by the Pakistani government for his fatwa on jihad in Kashmir.
1949 – The Pakistani government accepted Jamaat’s resolution for an Islamic constitution, and he was released from jail.
1953 – He was sentenced to death for his historical part in the agitation against Ahmadiyya to write a booklet Qadiani Problem. However, the death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment and later canceled.
1958 – Jamaat-e-Islami was banned by Martial Law Administrator Field Martial Ayub Khan.
1964 – He was sentenced to jail but later released.
1971 – In the question of united Pakistan or separation of the East Pakistan (later Bangladesh), he relinquished his authority to the East Pakistan Shura (consultative body of Jamaat).
1972 – He completed Tafhim-ul-Quran and resigned as Ameer-e-Jamaat.
1978 – He published his last book, “Seerat-e-Sarwar-e-Aalam” in two volumes.
1979 – He received the King Faisal International Prize but had to leave for the United States for medical treatment.
1979 – He died in Buffalo, United States, and was buried in Ichhra, Lahore.
 

Bibliography

Maududi authored many literary works, including 73 books, 120 booklets, and pamphlets, and delivered over 1000 speeches and press statements. His most significant accomplishment was his 30-year-long translation (tafsir) of the Quran into Urdu, called Tafhim ul-Qur’an (The Meaning of the Quran), which aimed to provide an interpretation aligned with his beliefs. This translation gained immense popularity in South Asia and has been translated into multiple languages. Maududi’s numerous books
 
Some of his books translated into English.
 
Al Jihad fil Islam. Written in 1927, it was Maududi’s first book, at the age of 24, comprising some 600 pages and hailed by Muhammad Iqbal “as the best explication of the concept of jihad in any language.”
Towards Understanding Islam
Purdah & the Status of Women in Islam
The Islamic Law and Constitution
Let us be Muslims
The Islamic Way of Life
The Meaning of the Qur’an
A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam
Human Rights in Islam
Four basic Qur’anic terms
The process of the Islamic revolution
Unity of the Muslim world
The moral foundations of the Islamic movement
Economic System of Islam
The road to peace and salvation
The Qadiani Problem
The Question of Dress
The Rights of Non-Muslims in Islamic State
Caliphate and Kingship (Khilafat o Malookiat)[283]
Also some famous book by Abul Ala Maududi.
Islamic Law and its Introduction in Pakistan
Khutabat: Fundamentals of Islam
System of Government Under the Holy Prophet

Quran Translation:

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